AI标注流水线上,被抛弃的“妈妈工人”
#女工 基地内部像是另一个世界。和她们过去在沿海打工时不见天日的流水线工厂不同,这里有窗,能见阳光,配备了电脑和空调,也没有大型机器发出的轰鸣噪音。基地甚至聘请了一名园艺师打理绿植,像北上广的互联网大厂一样,一切都是白领办公室的氛围。就连装修也是按……(来自微信公众号-冷杉RECORD24/04/12)
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老中人特别喜欢替别人感到可惜,尤其是一些公众人物或网红公开对社会议题表达不满或者显露一些“大不敬”的政治态度被封杀的时候,就一定有人出来表达可惜,你到底可惜什么呢?可惜他没有你犬儒?可惜他没像你一样苟住?可惜他不如你一样岁月静好?不像你一样投机?在集权高压的政治舆论环境下任何因良知和勇敢而遭至后果的人都不该为其感到可惜,这是骨气,这是不枉为人,没什么可惜的,失去那些傻x受众是种幸事,真正损失的是那些感到可惜的庸者和这个专横的地方,该为你们感到可惜,你们会损失越来越多真正有思想见地的人,没错,我们最终会逃离这里,这个地方会越来越烂直到崩溃,而不是你为我们感到可惜,我们不可惜,这些人往往也不是真的喜欢当事人,因为他们根本没窥见到当事人最珍贵的部分,最有人味的部分,他们不配喜欢这些勇敢的人,他们只配喜欢那些鸡贼又精明割自己韭菜的人
@crazy23
你国税负确实重,但这些税是被老弱妇孺无业游民花了吗?坦克花你的钱,网警花你的钱,县城婆罗门花你的钱,大撒币让外国人也花你的钱,你连屁都不敢放一个;老弱妇孺无业游民花个税金的零头治病,你的纳税人意识立马就觉醒了?这就是贱骨头。
簡單總結一下,為什麼被所謂民運人士性騷擾的女性,她們的處境會更加孤立無援。
在民運圈遭遇性騷擾時,她們可能更不敢向身邊人求助——因為這同時意味著她需要向對方坦白自己的政治立場。很多人在國內,出於安全和生計考慮,是不敢進行如此冒險的政治出櫃的。
其次,她們沒辦法通過正常的法律渠道(甚至輿論)去懲罰性騷擾罪犯。就像是我在微博講述這件事情時,我根本沒辦法把事情的原委完完整整地說出來——還是,因為政治上的敏感性,所以內容一旦發在微博上,就會遭遇審查。其他維權方式,比如報警,就更不用說了⋯⋯我懷疑在所有警察眼中,「我參與了民主運動」都是比「性騷擾女性」嚴重得多得多的罪行。
而民運圈天然就是個很容易滋生性騷擾的地方:因為對方與你的政治立場相同,你會很容易地放鬆警惕、輕易地將他當成自己可以信任的同僚⋯⋯又因為民運圈的性騷擾很難被曝光、被懲罰,現在想來,這個圈子中那些得以被揭發的性騷擾事件,與實際發生過的數量相比,極可能只是冰山一角。
存一份 UCL 的 contemporary political philosophy 课程阅读清单:公民抗命。清单编辑:Dr.Avia Pasternak
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
Even relatively just states engage in what some or most of their citizens perceive as unjust or wrongful policies (e.g. engagement in unjust wars or racially discriminating laws). What ought citizens do in the face of flagrant political injustice? Some theorists and political activists argue that the proper reply to serious injustice is civil disobedience - a conscientious refusal to take part in and comply with an unjust law . Under what circumstances, if ever, do citizens have a right and even a duty to disobey an unjust law ? How does civil disobedience sit with citizens´ political obligations? Des civil disobedience have unique features that set it apart from rebelion or conscientious refusal?
Required readings :
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (1971 or 1999 ed.) Chapter Vl sections 55-58
David Lyons,'Moral Judgment, Historical Reality , and Civil Disobedience ', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 27(1)(1998): 31-49.
Kimberlee Brownlee,'Features of a Paradigm Case of Civil Disobedience', Res Publica ,10(4)(2004):337-351.
Discussion paper :
Ronald Dworkin,"Civil Disobedience"in his Taking Rights Seriously (1977)
Further readings :
Kimberley Brownlee Conscience and Conviction : The Case forCivil Disobedience, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2012).
Vinit Haksar,'Rawls and Gandhi on Civil Disobedience,'Inquiry, 19(1976) :151-192.
John Simmons, Moral Principles and Political Obligations ( Princeton : Princeton University Press,1979), ch.VIl sec.I.
David Lefkowitz, On a Moral Right to Civil Disobedience', Ethics, 117(2007): 202-233.
Peter Singer, Democracy and Disobedience (Oxford : Clarendon Press ,1973). H.A. Bedau (ed.), Civil Disobedience in Focus (London : Routledge, 1991)(an
excellent collection with key readings).
Plato, Crito (edition of choice).
Joseph Raz , The Authority of Law (Oxford : Clarendon ,1979), sec.14-15.
Michael Walzer, Obligations : Essays on Disobedience, War, and Citizenship (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1970).
Andrew Sabl, Looking Forward to Justice : Rawlsian Civil Disobedience and its Non - Rawlsian Lessons, in The Journal of Political Philosophy, 9(3)(2001).
David Enoch,‘Some Arguments against Conscientious Objection and Civil Disobedience Refuted,’in Israel Law Review, 36(2002): 227-253.
Questions in preparation for the seminar :
What is civil disobedience?
Must civil disobedience be non-violent?
Under what conditions, if any, is it justifiable to engage in Civil disobedience?
What role, if any, does civil disobedience play within a reasonably just society?